James's Account of S. H. Long's Expedition, 1819-1820, part 1 — Text and Context
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ong was also the bearer of fresh instructions. Congress, annoyed at the first season's operations, the results of which had been out of all proportion to the heavy expenditures, had refused further appropriations, and the progress of the Yellowstone expedition was necessarily arrested. Long's party, however, with the exception of Lieutenant Graham, who with the steamboat was assigned to special duty on the Missouri and Mississippi, was to ascend the Platte to its source, and return to the Mississippi by way of the Arkansas and the Red.
The company as now organized, in addition to the scientific gentlemen already named, included Dougherty and four other men to serve as interpreters, baggage handlers, and the like, and a detachment of seven soldiers from the troops at Camp Missouri--a total of twenty. Leaving the Missouri on June 6, the expedition visited the Pawnee villages on Loup River, where two Frenchmen were engaged as guides and interpreters. An effort was made to introduce the process of vaccination among the Pawnee, who, in common with other tribes, had suffered heavily from the ravages of smallpox; but the vaccine having been thoroughly drenched by the wreck of one of the keel-boats of the Yellowstone expedition, the attempt was unsuccessful. After two days at the villages, progress was resumed on the thirteenth, and from this time until the mountains were reached, little was encountered to excite interest, save herds of buffalo and the mirage. From near Grand Island the company followed the north bank of the Platte, until they reached the forks, where they crossed to the south bank of the South Fork.
On the thirtieth the Rockies were first sighted--their route along the Platte having borne directly towards the mountain which has since received Long's name, and which was, at first, mistaken for Pike's Peak. The fourth of July, which they had hoped to celebrate in the mountains, found them still at some distance from them; on the fifth they encamped upon the site of the present city of Denver, and the following day directly in front of the chasm through which issues the South Platte. Here two days were passed while James and Peale, with two companions, sought to cross the first range and gain the valley of the Platte beyond; but after surmounting several ridges, each of which appeared to be the summit, only to find higher land beyond, the undertaking was abandoned. They did reach, however, an elevated point from which they could distinguish the two forks of the South Platte.
A few days later, members of the expedition performed a more memorable exploit. On the twelfth of July, the camp then being a few miles south of the site of Colorado Springs, James set out with two men, and two days later succeeded in reaching the summit of Pike's Peak, being, so far as history records, the first to accomplish this feat. In honor of the achievement, Major Long christened the mountain James's Peak; but by force of local usage, the present name supplanted this appropriate designation. Lieutenant Swift had meanwhile quite accurately calculated the height of the peak above the basal plains, although an erroneous estimate of the elevation of the latter produced an error of nearly three thousand feet in the determination for the elevation of the summit above sea level. Here, as elsewhere, the observations for longitude and latitude involved a considerable error.
On the sixteenth the party again broke camp, and moved southwest to the Arkansas, which they reached twelve or fifteen miles above the present city of Pueblo. The following day Captain Bell, Dr. James, and two of the men ascended the river to the site of Cañon City, at the entrance of Royal Gorge, where they turned back, again baffled by what seemed to them impassable barriers.
The expedition began the descent of the Arkansas on the nineteenth. After two days' march a camp was made a few miles above the future site of La Junta, Colorado; here a division into two parties was effected, for the purpose of carrying out the instructions of the War Department to explore the courses of both the Arkansas and the Red. The division assigned to the exploration of Red River, consisting of James, Peale, and seven men, was commanded by Major Long himself, for this was one of the principal objects of the expedition; the other division, charged with the less important task of descending the Arkansas, the entire course of which had already been examined by Pike and his assistants, was led by Captain Bell.
Leaving the Arkansas on the twenty-fourth, Long's party crossed Purgatory Creek and the upper waters of Cimarron River, and after six days reached a small tributary of Canadian River, which, after five days' still further travel, brought them to the latter near the present Texas-New Mexico boundary line. As the region in which they had encountered the waters of the Canadian was that wherein the sources of the Red had, previous to that time, been universally supposed to lie, they naturally at first believed that they were upon the latter stream. Their suspicions were soon aroused by the deviation of the river's course from that which they expected the Red to pursue; but it was not until they arrived at the confluence of this waterway with the Arkansas that they became certain of their error. During their descent of the Canadian they encountered parties of Kaskaia and Comanche Indians, whose conduct was not uniformly friendly. Few incidents of interest, however, broke the painful monotony of a journey accompanied by almost constant suffering from exposure to violent storms and intense heat, lack of food and water, and the attacks of wood ticks. On the thirteenth of September the explorers arrived at Fort Smith, the appointed rendezvous, where they found Bell's party awaiting them.
The experience of the Arkansas division had, in most particulars, been quite similar to that of Long's, but on the whole less vexatious. The chief event, however, involved an irreparable loss to the expedition. This was the desertion, on the night of the thirtieth of August, of three soldiers, who wantonly took with them all the manuscripts completed by Dr. Say and Lieutenant Swift since leaving the Missouri. The stolen books contained notes on the manners, habits, history, and languages of the Indians, and on the animals which had been examined, a journal of the expedition, and a mass of topographical data. During part of the journey, Bell's party was even more astray than Long's. Soon after passing the Great Bend of the Arkansas, they mistook the Nennescah River for the Negracka, or Salt Fork of the Arkansas; similar errors added to their bewilderment, and for some time they were unaware whether they were near Fort Smith or still far distant--until, on the first of September, they met friendly Osage Indians near Verdigris River. They reached Fort Smith on the ninth.
From Fort Smith the reunited party followed the Arkansas to the Cherokee towns on Illinois Creek, in Pope County, Arkansas, whence they proceeded overland directly to Cape Girardeau, Missouri. James and Swift, parting from their companions at the Cherokee towns, visited the Arkansas Hot Springs, now a famous health resort, and returning to the Arkansas at Little Rock, also crossed the country to Cape Girardeau, where all members of the expedition were assembled on October 12. Here nearly all of the party were attacked by intermittent fever.
Two or three weeks later, the expedition being now disbanded, Major Long and Captain Bell set out for Washington, leaving their colleagues to act according to their own pleasure. About the first of November, Messrs. Say, Seymour, and Peale departed by steamboat, intending to return home by way of New Orleans. They were accompanied by Lieutenant Graham, who, on completion of the special duties assigned to him at Engineer Cantonment, had met the exploring party at Cape Girardeau with the "Western Engineer." Lieutenant Swift and Dr. James essayed to ascend the Ohio to Louisville with the vessel; but at Golconda, Illinois, James experienced a recurrence of fever, which for some time prevented his proceeding farther, while Swift, leaving the boat at Smithland, Kentucky, continued his journey on horseback.
James's _Account_ is the only narrative of the expedition, and his connection with the party gives his work the authority of an official report. Moreover, he not only had access to the notes of his associates, but received much personal assistance, especially from Long and Say. The original edition was published at Philadelphia in 1823, by Carey and Lea; it consisted of two volumes of 503 and 442 pages respectively, containing James's narrative, with appendices giving a catalogue of animals observed at Engineer Cantonment, the Indian sign language, Indian speeches at the councils held by Major O'Fallon, astronomical and meteorological records, and vocabularies of Indian languages, especially those of the Oto, Kansa, Omaha, Sioux, Minitaree, and Pawnee tribes. Extracts from Major Long's report to the secretary of war, dated January 20, 1821, and from the report made by his assistants to Long on the mineralogy and geology of the region explored, were incorporated in the second volume. A third volume contained the maps and plates, and the edition was provided with a brief index and "Preliminary Notice."
The same year another edition was published in London, by Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, & Brown. This edition, the one selected by us for reprinting, was in three volumes, and contained the text essentially as printed in the Philadelphia edition.[8] In the arrangement of notes, however, a different plan was adopted; in the Philadelphia issue, all annotation was given at the foot of the appropriate pages, while in the London edition the notes for each volume were grouped in the back of the book. In the present reprint the former plan is followed. The Preliminary Notice found in the Philadelphia edition was omitted from the London version, but is supplied in the present reprint. The appendices giving astronomical and meteorological data and Indian vocabularies, which were omitted from the London edition, are also included in our reprint. Finally, instead of the atlas which accompanied the Philadelphia edition, selected illustrations, including a map of the region explored, were incorporated with the text in the various volumes of the London print.
In certain ways the results of the expedition were disappointing, even to those persons whose expectations were far less extravagant than the Missourian who had declared that "ten years shall not pass away before we shall have the rich productions of [China] transported from Canton to the Columbia, up that river to the mountains, over the mountains and down the Missouri and Mississippi, all the way (mountains and all), by the potent power of steam." To this class, the report which the expedition made on the trans-Mississippi country was far from encouraging. Said Major Long in his final estimate: "In regard to this extensive section of country, I do not hesitate in giving the opinion, that it is almost wholly unfit for cultivation, and of course uninhabitable by a people depending upon agriculture for their subsistence. Although tracts of fertile land considerably extensive are occasionally to be met with, yet the scarcity of wood and water, almost uniformly prevalent, will prove an insuperable obstacle in the way of settling the country. This objection rests not only against the section immediately under consideration, but applies with equal propriety to a much larger portion of the country. . . . This region, however, viewed as a frontier, may prove of infinite importance to the United States, inasmuch as it is calculated to serve as a barrier to prevent too great an extension of our population westward, and secure us against the machinations or incursions of an enemy that might otherwise be disposed to annoy us in that part of our frontier." In similar vein is the comment of Dr. James: "We have little apprehension of giving too unfavourable an account of this portion of the country. Though the soil is in some places fertile, the want of timber, of navigable streams, and of water for the necessities of life, render it an unfit residence for any but a nomad population. The traveller who shall at any time have traversed its desolate sands, will, we think, join us in the wish that this region may for ever remain the unmolested haunt of the native hunter, the bison, and the jackall." Such a verdict was not welcomed by an expansive people, eager to enter into and possess a land which imagination pictured as suitable for the seat of an empire.
The teeming animal life of the great plains might have suggested to Long and his associates its adaptability to the needs of man; but for the occupation of the land without political peril, at least two agencies were required, which were, in their day, hardly more than dreams. We cannot blame the explorers for failing to anticipate the marvels of the railroad and the irrigating ditch; indeed, the repulse of the agricultural vanguard which attempted the invasion of the plains west of the hundredth meridian only half a generation ago, vindicates the prediction that the country could not be possessed by methods then known. It may be doubted whether their conservatism was not wiser than the confidence of the more ardent expansionists; yet it is doubtless true that their report, by depreciating the estimate of the value of the region, put weapons into the hands of those Eastern men who cherished a traditional jealousy of Westward expansion, and caused the government rather to follow than to lead the movement.
Another apparent ground for criticism is the failure of the expedition to accomplish either of the great objects mentioned in the instructions--the discovery of the sources of the Platte and of the Red. The readiness with which the explorers relinquished their efforts to penetrate the mountains at the cañons of the Platte and Arkansas, although the season was midsummer, seems to indicate inefficiency as well as indifference to instructions. Likewise, when the Canadian was reached and mistaken for the Red, no effort was made to ascend the stream to its source; the explorers were content to descend the river, leaving the exact location of its head undetermined. Some excuse for this conduct is afforded by the inadequacy of the equipment provided by Congress for this enterprise. The federal government supplied six horses; the remainder of the thirty-four were furnished by the members of the party. "Our saddles and other articles of equipage," wrote James, "were of the rudest kind, being, with a few exceptions, such as we had purchased from the Indians, or constructed ourselves;" and, he adds, that the "very inadequate outfit . . . was the utmost our united means enabled us to furnish." Consequently, the party was compelled to subsist largely upon the country explored, and its movements were in no small degree dictated by the fear of want. That many of the hardships experienced were due to the slender outfit, is proved by the comparative comfort with which later parties followed in their footsteps. Twenty-five years afterwards, Colonel Abert, starting from Bent's Fort, on the upper Arkansas, not many miles from the point where Long's forces had divided, crossed the upland to the Canadian and descended to its mouth, following essentially Long's route, and making the whole journey in wagons, for which, save in a few places, a smooth course was found. This party succeeded in finding sufficient water at almost every camp, while the entire trip resembled more an outing for pleasure than it did the harrowing journey of Major Long. The route up the Canadian afterward became a much-used pathway to New Mexico.[9]
When all allowances have been made, much carelessness is evident in the explorations of the Long expedition. The bewilderment of Bell's party was inexcusable in men of science possessing instruments for determining latitude and longitude; their geographical errors to some extent nullified their observations of natural features. Cimarron River, the most important tributary of the Arkansas next to the Canadian, they missed entirely, and the relative size and location of the tributaries of the Arkansas remained uncertain for years after. Upon beginning the descent of the Arkansas they travelled two hundred miles without, so far as James's _Account_ shows, making a note on geography or topography; but possibly some allowance for this omission should be made because of the theft of manuscripts by the deserters. Of the itinerary of the expedition from the Platte to the Canadian, it has been said, "It would be scarcely possible to find in any narrative of Western history so careless an itinerary, and in a scientific report like that of Dr. James it is quite inexcusable."[10] To the account of the country traversed by the expedition, James added information relative to portions of Arkansas and Louisiana, much of which was already accessible to the public through the reports and writings of Hunter and Dunbar, Sibley, Darby, Stoddard, Schoolcraft, and others. However, this portion of James's narrative also draws data from Major Long's manuscript journals, not elsewhere available, and gives the only account of the attempted exploration of Red River under Captain Richard Sparks, based on the memoranda of members of the expedition.
After all criticisms have been urged to the utmost, the work of the expedition was, and is, of considerable value. The exploration of the Canadian River was an important contribution to American geography. It was thenceforth evident that the sources of the Red must be looked for farther south than had previously been supposed, although a generation was to elapse before their discovery. Otherwise, the exploration added greatly to the knowledge of a portion of the country but imperfectly known through hunters and traders. Especially is this true as regards details relative to natural history and ethnology; for the work was done in the spirit of modern scientific investigation, and in this respect anticipated later expeditions, for which American public sentiment in 1820 was hardly ripe. The collections included more than sixty skins of new or rare animals, several thousand insects, of which many hundreds were new, nearly five hundred undescribed plants, mineral specimens, many new species of shells, numerous fossils, a hundred and twenty-two animal sketches, and a hundred and fifty landscape views. While not primarily designed as a scientific report on these collections, James's _Account_ gives in the form of notes[11] much of the more important information derived from them. Perhaps no other portions of the work, however equal in value those devoted to the aborigines; as an authoritative source of knowledge of the sociology of the Kansa and Omaha tribes, the _Account_ has no rival.
Soon after his return from the Rockies, Major Long was sent upon another expedition, this time to the sources of the St. Peter's (now Minnesota) River. This enterprise was contemplated by the original instructions issued to Long at the time of the Yellowstone project; but the subsequent abandonment of the latter compelled alterations in the programme of the scientific division. As in the case of the first journey, the report of the St. Peter's exploration is the work of another person--William H. Keating, author of _Long's Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lake of the Woods, etc._ (Philadelphia, 2 vols., 1824).
For these several explorations, Long was breveted lieutenant-colonel. In 1827 he assumed charge of the survey of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and for many years thereafter was much engaged in railroad engineering. His _Railroad Manual_ (1829) was the first original treatise on railroad building published in this country. Upon the organization of the Topographical Engineers as a separate corps (1838), he became a major; later (1861) he was made chief of the corps, with the rank of colonel. He was retired from active service in 1863, still being entrusted with important duties, which were interrupted by his death, occurring at Alton, Illinois, the following year.
After the publication of his account of Long's expedition, Dr. James received an appointment as army surgeon, and was on the frontier for six years, which he utilized in studying Indian dialects; during this period he translated the New Testament into the Chippewa tongue (1833), and published _The Narrative of John Tanner_ (New York, 1830), the story of a child who had been stolen by the Indians, and became a well-known interpreter. Resigning his army post (1830), James became associate editor of the _Temperance Herald and Journal_, at Albany; later (1834) he removed to Iowa, and settled (1836) as an agriculturist near Burlington, where he died in 1861.
In the preparation for the press of this reprint of James's _Account_, the Editor has had throughout the assistance of Homer C. Hockett, B.A., instructor in history in the University of Wisconsin. R. G. T. MADISON. WIS., March, 1905.
[1] See statement of the objects of the expedition by Secretary Calhoun, in _American State Papers_, "Military Affairs," ii, p. 33.
[2] See quotations from contemporary sources in Chittenden, _American Fur Trade_, ii, p. 562 _et seq._ Chapter ii of that volume gives a good account of the Yellowstone expedition.
Edwin James's narrative of Major Stephen H. Long's expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains (1819–1820) is structured as a chronological journal, moving from the Ohio River to the Mississippi and then up the Missouri. The text is punctuated by detailed ethnographic descriptions, such as the Pawnee war dance, where James meticulously records the physical actions—leaping, jerking, and pantomimic gestures—and the significance of regalia like the 'crow' worn by Cut Nose. The account balances topographical observations with cultural encounters, often noting the interplay between movement and ceremony.
Movement and Structure of the Narrative
The account follows the expedition's physical journey, but its structure is also shaped by recurring patterns of movement: the party travels by boat, on horseback, and on foot, with each mode of transport dictating the pace of observation. James frequently notes the transition between landscapes—from the 'rapids of the Ohio' to the 'mouth of the Missouri'—and uses these shifts to introduce new subjects, such as Indian graves near St. Louis or the geology of the riverbanks. The narrative moves from broad geographical description to close-up scenes, like the war dance, where the focus narrows to individual gestures. This alternation between panorama and detail gives the text a rhythmic quality, mirroring the expedition's own alternation between travel and encampment.
Recurring Images: The Body in Motion
Throughout the excerpts, the human body in motion is a central image. In the war dance, James describes dancers 'leaping a small distance from the ground with both feet' and 'a slight but sudden inclination of the body' that creates a 'succession of jerks.' He also notes how Ietan 'rode his tomahawk, as children ride their broomsticks,' and how Little Black Bear 'threw several arrows in succession over his head' while covering his eyes. These actions are not merely described but interpreted as 'pantomimic narrative.' James pays close attention to the physicality of the dancers, their use of props (whips, thongs, tomahawks), and the way their movements correspond to 'musical cadences.' This focus on bodily motion extends to the warriors' posture and the 'appendage behind him, called a crow' worn by Cut Nose, which adds a visual element to the kinetic description.
Voice and Perspective: The Observer's Role
James's voice is that of a naturalist and geologist, but he also adopts the role of an ethnographer, carefully noting cultural details without overt judgment. He records the warriors' boasts—Mi-a-ke-ta listing the nations he has struck—and the intervention of Ietan, who 'put his hand upon his mouth, and respectfully led him to his seat.' James explains this act as a compliment, indicating that the veteran had 'so many glorious acts to speak of' that he would overshadow others. The text also includes direct speech, such as the warrior's confession: 'This, my father, is the only martial act of my life that I am ashamed of.' James's perspective is that of an outsider who seeks to understand and convey the significance of what he witnesses, often providing contextual explanations for the actions he describes.
Setting and Scene: The Encampment as Stage
The war dance takes place in an encampment, which James treats as a stage for cultural performance. He notes the physical arrangement: the warriors gather around a post, and the dance unfolds in rounds, with each participant taking a turn to 'strike the post.' The setting is not merely described but becomes integral to the action—the post is a focal point, and the ground is the surface for leaping and gesturing. James also observes the audience, noting that 'most of the dancers were the principal warriors of the nation' who had not danced in years, but now appeared 'in honour of the occasion.' The encampment is thus a liminal space where diplomacy and spectacle converge, and James's description captures the interplay between the physical environment and the social dynamics of the event.
Readers approaching this account should attend to how James weaves together travelogue and ethnography, using the expedition's movement as a framework for encountering diverse peoples and landscapes. The detailed descriptions of bodily motion and ceremonial action reward close reading, as they reveal James's method of translating observed behavior into written narrative. The text is best read as a layered document, where the journey itself becomes a means of structuring knowledge about the early American West.
Reading James’s account of the Pawnee war dance, I remembered sitting still as a child while my grandfather described similar gestures from old family stories—not glory, just observation. The same quiet awe came back when I later opened An Account of Two Voyages to New-England, Made During the Years 1638, 1663 — Edition Insights, where another witness’s plain words made the past feel tender and near, not distant.
Oliver Jackson
1 week agoDavid Campbell
1 week ago-
Nicholas Pamela Lynch - 1 month ago
{'review_type': 'neutral', 'content': "This volume offers valuable insights into the 1819-1820 expedition, with detailed notes and observations. The historical importance is undeniable. However, the prose is dry and technical, making it a challenge for casual readers. It's best suited for academic study or serious history buffs rather than general audiences."} -
Jessica Lopez - 3 weeks ago
{'review_type': 'positive', 'content': "An excellent primary source for anyone interested in early American exploration. James's account of the Long Expedition provides meticulous observations of the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains, filled with vivid descriptions of the landscape and native peoples. It's an essential historical document that brings a pivotal moment in U.S. expansion to life."} -
Bradley Hernandez - 2 weeks ago
{'review_type': 'negative', 'content': "James's account is excessively detailed and overly scientific, masking any narrative interest under a pile of facts and measurements. The writing is dry and lacks the engaging quality of other exploration narratives. Unless you're a specialist in the period or region, this will likely be a dull and tedious read."}
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