Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-1839, part 2 — Text and Context

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Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 1853-1913 [Editor], Gregg, Josiah, 1806-1850 Project Gutenberg 2013 Not confirmed
Mexico -- Description and travel; Santa Fe National Historic Trail; Southwest, New -- Description and travel Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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For Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-1839, part 2 — Text and Context, the stored edition analysis reports 117,629 words, 8 hr 32 min estimated reading time, and 13 detected text sections.

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Josiah Gregg's firsthand account of Santa Fe Trail commerce and northern Mexican society in the 1830s, with sharp observations on governance, mining, and social exclusion of Americans.
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name to be dreaded throughout the country. What contributed more than anything else to render him a dangerous enemy, was the fact of his having received a liberal education at Chihuahua, which enabled him, when he afterwards rejoined his tribe, to outwit his pursuers, and, by robbing the mails, to acquire timely information of every expedition that was set on foot against him. The following account of the massacre in which he fell may not be altogether uninteresting to the reader.

The government of Sonora, desirous to make some efforts to check the depredations of the Apaches, issued a proclamation, giving a sort of _carte blanche_ patent of 'marque and reprisal,' and declaring all the booty that might be taken from the savages to be the rightful property of the captors. Accordingly, in the {296} spring of 1837, a party of some 20 men composed chiefly of foreigners, spurred on by the love of gain, and never doubting but the Indians, after so many years of successful robberies, must be possessed of a vast amount of property, set out with an American as their commander, who had long resided in the country.[52] In a few days they reached a _ranchería_ of about fifty warriors with their families, among whom was the [Pg080] famous Juan José himself, and three other principal chiefs. On seeing the Americans advance, the former at once gave them to understand, that, if they had come to fight, they were ready to accommodate them; but on being assured by the leader, that they were merely bent on a trading expedition, a friendly interview was immediately established between the parties. The American captain having determined to put these obnoxious chiefs to death under any circumstances, soon caused a little field-piece which had been concealed from the Indians to be loaded with chain and canister shot, and to be held in readiness for use. The warriors were then invited to the camp to receive a present of flour, which was placed within range of the cannon. While they were occupied in dividing the contents of the bag, they were fired upon and a considerable number of their party killed on the spot! The remainder were then attacked with small arms, and about twenty slain, including Juan José and the other chiefs. Those who escaped became afterwards their own avengers in a {297} manner which proved terribly disastrous to another party of Americans, who happened at the time to be trapping on Rio Gila not far distant. The enraged savages resolved to take summary vengeance upon these unfortunate trappers; and falling upon them, massacred them every one![53] They were in all, including several Mexicans, about fifteen in number.[54] [Pg081]

The projector of this scheme had probably been under the impression that treachery was justifiable against a treacherous enemy. He also believed, no doubt, that the act would be highly commended by the Mexicans who had suffered so much from the depredations of these notorious chiefs. But in this he was sadly mistaken; for the affair was received with general reprehension, although the Mexicans had been guilty of similar deeds themselves, as the following brief episode will sufficiently show.

In the summer of 1839, a few Apache prisoners, among whom was the wife of a distinguished {298} chief, were confined in the calabozo of Paso del Norte. The bereaved chief, hearing of their captivity, collected a band of about sixty warriors, and, boldly entering the town, demanded the release of his consort and friends. The commandant of the place wishing to gain time, desired them to return the next morning, when their request would be granted. During the night the forces of the country were concentrated; notwithstanding, when the Apaches reappeared, the troops did not show their faces, but remained concealed, while the Mexican commandant strove to beguile the Indians into the prison, under pretence of delivering to them their friends. The unsuspecting chief and twenty others were entrapped in this manner, and treacherously dispatched in cold blood: not, however, without some loss to the Mexicans, who had four or five of their men killed in the fracas. Among these was the commandant himself, who had no sooner given the word, "_¡Maten á los carajos!_" (kill the scoundrels!) than the chief retorted, [Pg082] "_¡Entónces morirás tu primero, carajo!_" (then you shall die first, carajo!) and immediately stabbed him to the heart!

But as New Mexico is more remote from the usual haunts of the Apaches, and, in fact, as her scanty ranchos present a much less fruitful field for their operations than the abundant haciendas of the South, the depredations of this tribe have extended but little upon that province. The only serious incursion that has come within my knowledge, was some ten {299} years ago. A band of Apache warriors boldly approached the town of Socorro[55] on the southern border, when a battle ensued between them and the Mexican force, composed of a company of regular troops and all the militia of the place. The Mexicans were soon completely routed and chased into the very streets, suffering a loss of thirty-three killed and several wounded. The savages bore away their slain, yet their loss was supposed to be but six or seven. I happened to be in the vicinity of the catastrophe the following day, when the utmost consternation prevailed among the inhabitants, who were in hourly expectation of another descent from the savages.

Many schemes have been devised from time to time, particularly by the people of Chihuahua, to check the ravages of the Indians, but generally without success. Among these the notorious _Proyecto de Guerra_, adopted in 1837, stands most conspicuous. By this famous 'war-project' a scale of rewards was established, to be paid out of a fund raised for that purpose. A hundred dollars reward were offered for the scalp of a full grown man, fifty for that of a squaw, and twenty-five for that of every papoose! To the credit of the republic, however, this barbarous _proyecto_ was in operation but a few weeks, and [Pg083] never received the sanction of the general government; although it was strongly advocated by some of the most intelligent citizens of Chihuahua. Yet, pending its existence, it was rigidly complied with. I saw myself, on one {300} occasion, a detachment of horsemen approach the Palacio in Chihuahua, preceded by their commanding officer, who bore a fresh scalp upon the tip of his lance, which he waved high in the air in exultation of his exploit! The next number of our little newspaper contained the official report of the affair. The soldiers were pursuing a band of Apaches, when they discovered a squaw who had lagged far behind in her endeavors to bear away her infant babe. They dispatched the mother without commiseration and took her scalp, which was the one so 'gallantly' displayed as already mentioned! The officer concluded his report by adding, that the child had died not long after it was made prisoner.

The _Yutas_ (or _Eutaws_, as they are generally styled by Americans) are one of the most extensive nations of the West, being scattered from the north of New Mexico to the borders of Snake river and Rio Colorado, and numbering at least ten thousand souls. The habits of the tribe are altogether itinerant. A band of about a thousand spend their winters mostly in the mountain valleys northward of Taos, and the summer season generally in the prairie plains to the east, hunting buffalo. The vernacular language of the Yutas is said to be distantly allied to that of the Navajoes, but it has appeared to me much more guttural, having a deep sepulchral sound resembling ventriloquism. Although these Indians are nominally at peace with the New Mexican government, they do not hesitate to lay {301} the hunters and traders who happen to fall in with their scouring parties under severe contributions; and on some occasions they have been known to proceed [Pg084] even to personal violence. A prominent Mexican officer[56] was scourged not long ago by a party of Yutas, and yet the government has never dared to resent the outrage. Their hostilities, however, have not been confined to Mexican traders, as will be perceived by the sequel.

In the summer of 1837, a small party of but five or six Shawnees fell in with a large band of Yutas near the eastern borders of the Rocky Mountains, south of Arkansas river. At first they were received with every demonstration of friendship; but the Yutas, emboldened no doubt by the small number of their visitors, very soon concluded to relieve them of whatever surplus property they might be possessed of. The Shawnees, however, much to the astonishment of the marauders, instead of quietly surrendering their goods and chattels, offered to defend them; upon which a skirmish ensued that actually cost the Yutas several of their men, including a favorite chief; while the Shawnees made their escape unhurt toward their eastern homes.

A few days after this event, and while the Yutas were still bewailing the loss of their people, I happened to pass near their _rancherías_ (temporary village) with a small caravan which mustered about thirty-five men. We {302} had hardly pitched our camp, when they began to flock about us--men, squaws, and papooses--in great numbers; but the warriors were sullen and reserved, only now and then muttering a curse upon the Americans on account of the treatment they had just received from the Shawnees, whom they considered as half-castes, and our allies. All of a sudden, a young warrior seized a splendid steed which belonged to our party, and, leaping upon his back, galloped [Pg085] off at full speed. Being fully convinced that, by acquiescing in this outrage, we should only encourage them to commit others, we resolved at once to make a peremptory demand for the stolen horse of their principal chief. Our request being treated with contumely, we sent in a warlike declaration, and forthwith commenced making preparations for descending upon the _rancherías_. The war-whoop resounded immediately in every direction; and as the Yutas bear a very high character for bravery and skill, the readiness with which they seemed to accept our challenge began to alarm our party considerably. We had defied them to mortal combat merely by way of bravado, without the least expectation that they would put themselves to so much inconvenience on our account. It was too late, however, to back out of the scrape.

No sooner had the alarm been given than the _rancherías_ of the Indians were converted into a martial encampment; and while the mounted warriors were exhibiting their preliminary {303} feats of horsemanship, the squaws and papooses flew like scattered partridges to the rocks and clefts of a contiguous precipice. One-third of our party being Mexicans, the first step of the Indians was to proclaim a general _indulto_ to them, in hopes of reducing our force, scanty as it was already. "My Mexican friends," exclaimed in good Spanish, a young warrior who daringly rode up within a few rods of us, "we don't wish to hurt _you_; so leave those Americans, for we intend to kill every one of _them_." The Mexicans of our party to whom this language was addressed, being rancheros of some mettle, only answered, "_Al diablo_! we have not forgotten how you treat us when you catch us alone: now that we are with Americans who will defend their rights, expect ample [Pg086] retaliation for past insults." In truth, these rancheros seemed the most anxious to begin the fight,--a remarkable instance of the effects of confidence in companions.

A crisis seemed now fast approaching: two swivels we had with us were levelled and primed, and the matches lighted. Every man was at his post, with his rifle ready for execution, each anxious to do his best, whatever might be the result; when the Indians, seeing us determined to embrace the chances of war, began to open negotiations. An aged squaw, said to be the mother of the principal chief, rode up and exclaimed, "My sons! the Americans and Yutas have been friends, and our old men wish to continue so: it is only a {304} few impetuous and strong-headed youths who want to fight." The stolen horse having been restored soon after this harangue, peace was joyfully proclaimed throughout both encampments, and the _capitanes_ exchanged ratifications by a social smoke.

The little tribe of Jicarillas also harbored an enmity for the Americans, which, in 1834, broke out into a hostile _rencontre_. They had stolen some animals of a gallant young backwoodsman from Missouri, who, with a few comrades, pursued the marauders into the mountains and regained his property; and a fracas ensuing, an Indian or two were killed. A few days afterward all their warriors visited Santa Fé in a body, and demanded of the authorities there, the delivery of the American offenders to their vengeance. Though the former showed quite a disposition to gratify the savages as far as practicable, they had not helpless creatures to deal with, as in the case of the Indian prisoners already related. The foreigners, seeing their protection devolved upon themselves, prepared for defence, when the savages were fain to depart in peace.

Incidents of a Return Trip from Santa Fé -- Calibre of our Party -- Return Caravans -- Remittances -- Death of Mr. Langham -- Burial in the Desert -- A sudden Attack -- Confusion in the Camp -- A Wolfish Escort -- Scarcity of Buffalo -- Unprofitable Delusion -- Arrival -- Table of Camping Sites and Distances -- Condition of the Town of Independence -- The Mormons -- Their Dishonesty and Immorality -- Their high-handed Measures, and a Rising of the People -- A fatal Skirmish -- A chivalrous Parade of the Citizens -- Expulsion of the Mormons -- The Meteoric Shower, and Superstition, etc. -- Wanderings and Improprieties of the 'Latter-day Saints' -- Gov. Boggs' Recipe -- The City of Nauvoo -- Contemplated Retribution of the Mormons.

I do not propose to detain the reader with an account of my journeyings between Mexico and the United States, during the seven years subsequent to my first arrival at Santa Fé. I will here merely remark, that I crossed the plains to the United States in the falls of 1833 and 1836, and returned to Santa Fé with goods each succeeding spring. It was only in 1838, however, that I eventually closed up my affairs in Northern Mexico, and prepared to take my leave of the country, as I then supposed, forever. But in this I was mistaken, as will appear in the sequel.

The most usual season for the return of the {306} caravans to the United States is the autumn, and not one has elapsed since the commencement of the trade which has not witnessed some departure from Santa Fé with that destination. They have also crossed occasionally in the spring, but without any regularity or frequency, and generally in very small parties. Even the 'fall companies,' in fact, are small when compared with the outward-bound caravans; for besides the numbers who remain permanently in the country, many of those who trade southward return to the United States _via_ Matamoros or some other Southern port. The return parties of autumn are therefore comparatively small, varying in number from fifty to a hundred [Pg088] men. They leave Santa Fé some four or five weeks after their arrival--generally about the first of September. In these companies there are rarely over thirty or forty wagons; for a large portion of those taken out by the annual caravans are disposed of in the country.

Some of the traders who go out in the spring, return the ensuing fall, because they have the good fortune to sell off their stock promptly and to advantage: others are compelled to return in the fall to save their credit; nay, to preserve their homes, which, especially in the earlier periods, have sometimes been mortgaged to secure the payment of the merchandise they carried out with them. In such cases, their goods were not unfrequently sold at great sacrifice, to avoid the penalties which the breaking of their engagements at home {307} would involve. New adventurers, too, are apt to become discouraged with an unanticipated dullness of times, and not unfrequently sell off at wholesale for the best price they can get, though often at a serious loss. But those who are regularly engaged in this trade usually calculate upon employing a season--perhaps a year, in closing an enterprise--in selling off their goods and making their returns.

The wagons of the return caravans are generally but lightly laden: one to two thousand pounds constitute the regular return cargo for a single wagon; for not only are the teams unable to haul heavy loads, on account of the decay of pasturage at this season, but the approaching winter compels the traders to travel in greater haste; so that this trip is usually made in about forty days. The amount of freight, too, from that direction is comparatively small. The remittances, as has already been mentioned, are chiefly in specie, or gold and silver bullion. The gold is mostly _dust_, from the Placer or gold mine near Santa Fé:[57] [Pg089] the silver bullion is all from the mines of the South--chiefly from those of Chihuahua. To these returns may be added a considerable number of mules and asses--some buffalo rugs, furs, and wool,--which last barely pays a return freight for the wagons that would otherwise be empty. Coarse Mexican blankets, which may be obtained in exchange for merchandise, have been sold in small quantities to advantage on our border.

{308} On the 4th of April, 1838, we departed from Santa Fé. Our little party was found to consist of twenty-three Americans, with twelve Mexican servants. We had seven wagons, one dearborn, and two small field-pieces, besides a large assortment of small-arms. The principal proprietors carried between them about $150,000 in specie and bullion, being for the most part the proceeds of the previous year's adventure.

We moved on at a brisk and joyous pace until we reached Ocaté creek, a tributary of the Colorado,[58] a distance of a hundred and thirty miles from Santa Fé, where we encountered a very sudden bereavement in the death of Mr. Langham, one of our most respected proprietors. This gentleman was known to be in weak health, but no fears were entertained for his safety. We were all actively engaged in assisting the more heavily laden wagons over the miry stream, when he was seized with a fit of apoplexy and expired instantly. As we had not the means of giving the deceased a decent burial, we were compelled to consign him to the earth in a shroud of blankets. A grave was accordingly dug on an elevated spot near the north bank of the creek, and on the morning of the 13th, ere the sun had risen in the east, the mortal remains of this most worthy [Pg090] man and valued friend were deposited in their last abode,--without a tomb-stone to consecrate the spot, or an epitaph to commemorate his virtues. The deceased was from St. Louis, {309} though he had passed the last eleven years of his life in Santa Fé, during the whole of which period he had seen neither his home nor his relatives.

Josiah Gregg's narrative in this second part of Commerce of the Prairies shifts from the trail to the towns of northern Mexico, where his trader's eye turns to the workings of law, religion, and social life. The text is dense with specific complaints: judicial corruption, arbitrary taxes on foreigners, and a gambling culture that dominates public leisure. Gregg's voice is that of a practical observer who measures every custom against American norms, yet he occasionally notes complexities—such as the common people's nostalgia for Spanish rule, expressed in the exclamation "¡Ojalá por los dias felices del Rey!"

The excerpts reveal a writer attentive to material details: the scoria heaps outside Chihuahua that poor laborers hammer for silver, the twenty-five-dollar admission to a governor's ball, and the absence of cafés or reading rooms. These concrete observations ground his broader critiques of Mexican society.

A Trader's Grievances: Justice and Impositions

Gregg devotes considerable space to the administration of justice in New Mexico, describing it as corrupt and biased against Americans. He recounts specific outrages: an American physician attacked, the consul and others subjected to violence, and arbitrary impositions such as the contribucion de guerra. The alcaldes' system, he claims, allows petty officials to exploit foreigners. His tone is indignant, but the evidence is anecdotal—he does not name victims or provide dates, leaving the reader to weigh his partisan perspective. The chapter headings alone signal a catalog of grievances: "Outrage upon an American Physician," "Violence suffered by the American Consul." Gregg's legal observations are intertwined with a trader's frustration at unpredictable costs and insecure property.

Mining, Scoria, and Daily Bread

In Chihuahua, Gregg pauses to describe the mining district's physical remains: "little mountains of scoria" in the city's suburbs, which poor laborers break apart to extract enough silver for subsistence. He notes that experts believe reworking this scoria could be profitable, but the practice continues as a hand-to-mouth enterprise. The passage is typical of Gregg's method—he moves from a general statement about mining operations to a specific, vivid detail of urban poverty. He also mentions a rough mint in Chihuahua, though most bullion is coined farther south. These observations are not merely descriptive; they imply an economic critique: the region's mineral wealth does not translate into local prosperity or efficient institutions.

Festivals and Exclusion: The Iturbide Celebration

Gregg describes a grand fête in Chihuahua in 1839, celebrating both Emperor Iturbide's birthday and his entry into Mexico City. He notes the irony of Iturbide's trajectory—from royalist officer to republican champion to executed emperor—and remarks that he is now honored as "the Father of the Republic," a title Gregg finds "absurd" to "republicans of the Jefferson school." The ball, however, excluded Americans except for a few Mexicanized residents, who had to pay twenty-five dollars for tickets. Gregg uses this episode to illustrate the lack of social intercourse between foreigners and natives, contrasting it with the hospitality Americans show to Mexican visitors. The exclusion is felt more keenly because Chihuahua has no cafés or reading rooms—only gambling houses and cockpits as public resorts.

Voice and Structure: Gregg's Rhetorical Habits

Gregg's prose is direct and opinionated, often shifting from neutral description to sharp judgment within a single paragraph. He uses Spanish terms (contribucion de guerra, ¡Ojalá!) to signal local color, but his frame of reference remains American. His sentences are long and packed with facts, yet he occasionally inserts a wry aside—as when he calls Iturbide's canonization "absurd" to Jeffersonian republicans. The structure of the chapters follows a topical rather than chronological order: each chapter groups related grievances or observations. This organizational choice suggests Gregg intended his work as a systematic account of Mexican society, not merely a travel diary. The excerpts show a writer who values concrete evidence—scoria heaps, ticket prices, exclamations—over abstract generalization.

Readers approaching this volume should note that Gregg writes as a participant-observer with a clear commercial and national bias. His judgments are often harsh, but they are grounded in specific incidents and material details that reward close attention. The text is best read not as an objective survey but as a document of cross-cultural encounter, where every observation—from the price of a ball ticket to the composition of scoria—carries the weight of a trader's lived experience.

Reading Gregg’s careful distances from Mexican society, I remembered standing on a prairie windbreak myself, feeling the same ache of not belonging. Pathfinding on Plain and Prairie Stirring Scenes of Life in the Canadian North-west — A Closer Reading stirred that quiet loneliness again—the way vast land makes you an observer, never quite a part of what you watch.

Leo Torres
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