An ivory trader in North Kenia — Context and Discussion
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a single-barrelled ·450 Express, all by Holland and Holland. The 8-bore we never used, as the ·577 Express did all that was required perfectly satisfactorily. The 8-bore would have been a magnificent weapon for camp defence when loaded with slugs, but fortunately our camp was never directly attacked, and consequently the necessity for using it never arose. The ·557 was the best all-round weapon for big game such as elephant, rhinoceros, and buffalo, and never failed to do its work cleanly and perfectly. Its only disadvantage was that it burnt black powder, and consequently I should be inclined, if I ever made another expedition, to give the preference to one of the new ·450 or ·500 Expresses burning smokeless powder, though, as I have not handled one of the latter, I cannot speak with certainty. El Hakim’s ·450 Express was really a wonderful weapon, though open to the same objection as the ·557—that of burning black powder. It was certainly one of the best all-round weapons I ever saw for bringing down soft-skinned game. It was a single-barrelled, top-lever, hammer-gun, with flat top rib. The sights were set very low down on the rib, to my mind a great advantage, as it seems to me to minimize the chances of accidental canting. Its penetrative power, with hardened lead bullets, was surprising. I have seen it drop a rhinoceros with a bullet through the brain, and yet the same projectile would kill small antelope like Grant’s or Waller’s gazelles without mangling them or going right through and tearing a great hole in its egress, thereby spoiling the skin, which is the great cause of complaint against the ·303 when expanding bullets are used.
I myself carried a ·303 built by Rigby, a really magnificent weapon. I took with me a quantity of every make of ·303 expanding bullets, from copper-tubed to Jeffry’s splits. After repeated trials I found that the Dum-Dum gave the most satisfactory results, “since when I have used no other.”
I also carried a supply of ·303 solid bullets, both for elephants and for possible defensive operations. For rhinoceros, buffalo, or giraffe, I carried an ordinary Martini-Henry military rifle, which answered the purpose admirably. A 20-bore shot-gun, which proved useful in securing guinea-fowl, etc., for the pot, completed my battery. George carried a ·303 military rifle and a Martini-Henry carbine.
It was essential that we should have a good “Munipara” (head-man), and the individual we engaged to fill that important position was highly recommended to us as a man of energy and resource. His name was Jumbi ben Aloukeri. Jumbi was of medium height, with an honest, good-natured face. He possessed an unlimited capacity for work, but we discovered, too late, that he possessed no real control over the men, which fact afterwards caused us endless trouble and annoyance. He was too easy with them, and made the great mistake—for a head-man—of himself doing anything we wanted, instead of compelling his subordinates to do it, with the result that he was often openly defied, necessitating vigorous intervention on our part to uphold his authority. We usually alluded to him as “the Nobleman,” that being the literal translation of his name.
Next on the list of our Swahili porters was Sadi ben Heri, who had been up to North Kenia before with the late Dr. Kolb, who was killed by a rhinoceros a couple of marches north of M’thara, Sadi was a short, stoutly built, pugnacious little man, with a great deal to say upon most things, especially those which did not concern him. He was a good worker, but never seemed happy unless he was grumbling; and as he had a certain amount of influence among the men, they would grumble with him, to their great mutual satisfaction but ultimate disadvantage. His pugnacious disposition and lax morals soon got him into trouble, and he, together with some of his especial cronies, was killed by natives, as will be related in its proper sequence.
Hamisi ben Abdullah was a man of no marked peculiarities, except a disposition to back up Sadi in any mischief. The same description applies to Abdullah ben Asmani and Asmani ben Selim.
Coja ben Sowah was a short, thick-set man, so short as to be almost a dwarf. He was one of the most cheery and willing of our men, so much so that it was quite a pleasure to order him to do anything—a pleasure, I fear, we appreciated more than he did. On receiving an order he would _run_ to execute it with a cheery “Ay wallah, bwana” (“Please God, master”), that did one good to hear.
Resarse ben Shokar was our “Kiongozi,” _i.e._ the leading porter, who sets the step on the march and carries the flag of the safari. He, also, always ran on receiving an order—ran out of sight, in fact; then, when beyond our ken, compelled a weaker man than himself to do what was wanted. I could never cure him of the habit of sleeping on sentry duty, though many a time I have chased him with a stirrup-strap, or a camp-stool, or anything handy when, while making surprise inspections of the sentries, I had found him fast asleep. He was valuable, however, in that he was the wit of the safari. He was a perfect gas-bag, and often during and after a long and probably waterless march we blessed him for causing the men to laugh by some harmless waggish remark at our expense.
Sulieman was a big, hulking, sulky brute, who gave us a great deal of trouble, and finally deserted near Lorian, forgetting to return his rifle, and also absent-mindedly cutting open my bag and abstracting a few small but necessary articles. Docere ben Ali, his chum, was also of a slow and sullen disposition, though he was careful not to exhibit it to us. When anything disturbed him he went forthwith and took it out of the unfortunate Wa’kamba.
Of the Wa’kamba I do not remember the names except of two or three who particularly impressed themselves on my memory. The head M’kamba was known as Malwa. He was a cheerful, stupid idiot who worked like a horse, though he never seemed to get any “for’arder.” Another M’kamba, named Macow, afterwards succeeded him in the headmanship of the Wa’kamba when Malwa was deposed for some offence. We nicknamed Macow “Sherlock Holmes,” as he seemed to spend most of his leisure hours prowling round the camp, peering round corners with the true melodrama-detective-Hawkshaw expression in his deep-set, thickly browed eyes. He would often creep silently and mysteriously to our tent, and in a subdued whisper communicate some trifling incident which had occurred on the march; then, without waiting for a reply, steal as silently and mysteriously away.
I must not conclude this chapter without some mention of our personal servants. First and foremost was Ramathani, our head cook and factotum. Ramathani had already been some three months in my service as cook and personal servant, and a most capable man I had found him. My acquaintance with him began one morning when I had sent my cook, before breakfast, to the _sokoni_ (native bazaar) to buy bread, vegetables, etc. As he did not return I went outside to the cook-house in some anxiety as to whether I should get any breakfast. Several native servants were there, and they informed me my cook was still in the bazaar, very drunk, and most likely would not be back till noon. Of course, I was angry, and proceeded to show it, when a soothing voice, speaking in very fair English, fell upon my ear. Turning sharply, I was confronted by a stranger, a good-looking native, neatly dressed in khaki.
“Shall I cook breakfast for master?” he inquired softly.
“Are you able?” said I.
“Then do so,” I said; and went back to my quarters and waited with as much patience as I could command under the circumstances.
In a quarter of an hour or so Ramathani—for it was indeed he—brought in a temptingly well-cooked breakfast, such as I was almost a stranger to, and at the same time hinted that he had permanently attached me as his employer. My own cook turned up an hour or so later, very drunk and very abusive, and he was incontinently fired out, Ramathani being established in his stead.
Ramathani had two boys as assistants, Juma and Bilali. Juma was an M’kamba. His upper teeth were filed to sharp points, forming most useful weapons of offence, as we afterwards had occasion to notice.
Bilali was an M’Kikuyu, and a very willing boy. He was always very nervous when in our presence, and used to tremble excessively when laying the table for meals. When gently reproved for putting dirty knives or cups on the table, he would grow quite ludicrous in his hurried efforts to clean the articles mentioned, and would spit on them and rub them with the hem of his dirty robe with a pathetic eagerness to please that disarmed indignation and turned away wrath.
Having finally secured our men, it only remained to pack up and distribute the loads of equipment, provisions, trade goods, etc. We did not take such a large quantity of trade goods as we should have done in the ordinary course, as El Hakim already had a large quantity in charge of a chief in North Kenia. The following is a list, compiled from memory, of what we took with us:—
2 loads Merikani (American sheeting). 2 ” kisuto (red and blue check cloths). 2 ” blanketi (blankets, coloured). 1 load various, including— gumti (a coarse white cloth). laissoes (coloured cloths worn by women). kekois (coloured cloth worn by men).
UZI WA MADINI (WIRE).
{ seninge (iron wire, No. 6). 2 or 3 loads of { masango (copper wire, No. 6). { masango n’eupe (brass wire, No. 6).
{ sem Sem (small red Masai beads). 2 or 3 loads of { sembaj (white Masai beads). { ukuta (large white opaque beads). 2 loads of mixed Venetian beads.
When all the loads were packed, they were placed in a line on the ground; and falling the men in, we told off each to the load we thought best suited to him. To the Swahilis, being good marching men and not apt to straggle on the road, we apportioned our personal equipment, tents, blankets, and table utensils. To the Wa’Nyamwezi we entrusted the ammunition and provisions, and to the Wa’kamba we gave the loads of wire, beads, cloth, etc. Having settled this to our own satisfaction, we considered the matter settled, and ordered each man to take up his load.
_Then_ the trouble began. First one man would come to us and ask if his load might be changed for “that other one,” while the man to whom “that other one” had been given would object with much excited gesticulation and forcible language to any alteration being made, and would come to us to decide the case. We would then arbitrate, though nine times out of ten they did not abide by our decision. Other men’s loads were bulky, or awkward, or heavy, or had something or other the matter with them which they wanted rectified, so that in a short time we had forty men with forty grievances clamouring for adjustment. We simplified matters by referring every one to Jumbi, and having beaten an inglorious retreat to our tents, solaced ourselves with something eatable till everything was more or less amicably settled.
Nothing is more characteristic of the difference in the races than the way in which they carry their loads. The Swahilis and Wa’Nyamwezi, being used to the open main roads, carry their loads boldly on their heads, or, in some cases, on their shoulders. The Wa’kamba, on the other hand, in the narrow jungle paths of their own district find it impossible, by reason of the overhanging vegetation, to carry a load that way. They tie it up instead with a long broad strip of hide, leaving a large loop, which is passed round the forehead from behind, thus supporting the load, which rests in the small of the back. When the strain on the neck becomes tiring they lean forward, which affords considerable relief, by allowing the load to rest still more upon the back. There were also six donkeys, the property of El Hakim, and these were loaded up as well. A donkey will carry 120 lbs., a weight equal to two men’s loads.
Finally, we had to register our porters at the Sub-Commissioner’s office, as no safaris are allowed to proceed until that important ceremony has been concluded, and the Government has pouched the attendant fees. In our case, however, there appeared to be a certain amount of difficulty. On delivering my application I was told to wait for an answer, which I should receive in the course of the day. I waited. In the afternoon a most important-looking official document was brought to me by a Nubian orderly. In fear and trembling I opened the envelope, and breathed a heartfelt sigh of relief when I found that the Government had refused to register our porters, giving as their reason that the districts we intended visiting were unsettled and, in their opinion, unsafe, and therefore we should proceed only at our own risk. We did not mind that, and we saved the registration fee anyhow. The Government had already refused to register the Somali’s porters, and they intimated, very rightly, that they could not make any difference in our case.
Jamah Mahomet, who was in command of the Somali safari, started off that day. He had with him Ismail Robli as second in command. A smaller safari, under Noor Adam, had started a week previously. Both these safaris intended visiting the same districts as ourselves. We were fated to hear a great deal more of them before the end of our trip.
In the evening I received a private note from one of the Government officers, informing me that we were likely to have a certain amount of trouble in getting across the river Thika-Thika without fighting, as the natives of that district were very turbulent, and advising us to go another way. My informant cited the case of Messrs. Finlay and Gibbons by way of a cheerful moral.
Finlay and Gibbons were two Englishmen who had been trading somewhere to the north of the Tana River. They had forty men or so, and were trading for ivory with the A’kikuyu, when they were suddenly and treacherously attacked and driven into their “boma” (thorn stockade), and there besieged by quite six thousand natives. From what I saw later, I can quite believe that their numbers were by no means exaggerated. During a night attack, Finlay was speared through the hand and again in the back, the wound in the back, however, not proving dangerous. They managed to get a message through to Nairobi, and some Nubian troops were sent to their relief, which task they successfully accomplished, though only with the greatest difficulty. It was not till six weeks after he received the wound that Finlay was able to obtain medical assistance, and by that time the tendons of his hand had united wrongly, so that it was rendered permanently useless. This was a nice enlivening story, calculated to encourage men who were setting out for the same districts.
The following day I received a telegram from George to say that he had arrived from Uganda at the Kedong Camp, at the foot of the Kikuyu Escarpment, so I went up by rail to meet him. He looked very thin and worn after his severe attack of fever. We returned to Nairobi the same evening, and proceeded to our camp. El Hakim, who was away when we arrived, turned up an hour later, and completed our party. He had been to Kriger’s Farm about seven miles out. Messrs. Kriger and Knapp were two American missionaries who had established a mission station that distance out of Nairobi, towards Doenyo Sabuk, or Chianjaw, as it is called by the Wa’kamba.
El Hakim, being anxious to get our men away from the pernicious influence of the native bazaar, arranged that he would go on to Kriger’s early on the following morning, and that George and I should follow later in the day with the safari, and camp for the night near Kriger’s place. Accordingly he started early in the forenoon on the following day.
George and I proceeded to finish the packing and make final arrangements—a much longer task than we anticipated. There were so many things that must be done, which we found only at the last minute, that at 3 p.m., as there was no prospect of getting away until an hour or so later, I sent George on with the six loaded donkeys, about thirty of El Hakim’s cattle, and a dozen men, telling him that I would follow. George rode a mule (of which we had two), which El Hakim had bought in Abyssinia two years before. They were splendid animals, and, beyond an inconvenient habit, of which we never cured them, of shying occasionally and then bolting, they had no bad points. They generally managed to pick up a living and get fat in a country where a horse would starve, and, taking them altogether, they answered admirably in every way. I would not have exchanged them for half a dozen of the best horses in the Protectorate. One mule was larger than the other, and lighter in colour, and was consequently known as n’yumbu m’kubwa, _i.e._ “the big mule.” It was used by George and myself as occasion required. The other, a smaller, darker animal, was known as n’yumbu m’dogo, _i.e._ “the little mule.” It was ridden exclusively by El Hakim.
After George’s departure I hurried the remaining men as much as possible, but it was already dusk when I finally started on my seven-mile tramp. Some of the men had to be hunted out of the bazaar, where they had lingered, with their loved ones, in a last long farewell.
There is no twilight in those latitudes (within two degrees of the equator), so that very soon after our start we were tramping along in the black darkness. I had no knowledge of the road; only a rough idea of the general direction. I steered by the aid of a pocket-compass and a box of matches. After the first hour I noticed that the men commenced to stagger and lag behind with their lately unaccustomed burdens, and I had to be continually on the alert to prevent desertions. I numbered them at intervals, to make sure that none of them had given me the slip, but an hour and a half after starting I missed three men with their loads, in spite of all my precautions. I shouted back into the darkness, and the men accompanying me did the same, and, after a slight interval we were relieved to hear an answering shout from the missing men. After waiting a few moments, we shouted again, and were amazed to find that the answering shout was much fainter than before. We continued shouting, but the answers grew gradually fainter and more faint till they died away altogether. I could not understand it at first, but the solution gradually dawned upon me. We were on a large plain, and a few hundred yards to the left of us was a huge belt of forest, which echoed our shouts to such an extent that the men who were looking for us were deceived as to our real position, and in their search were following a path at right angles to our own. I could not light a fire to guide them, as the grass was very long and dry, and I should probably have started a bush fire, the consequences of which would have been terrible. I therefore fired a gun, and was answered by another shot, seemingly far away over the plain to the right. Telling the men to sit down and rest themselves on the path, I ordered Jumbi to follow me, and, after carefully taking my bearings by compass, started to walk quickly across the plain to intercept them.
The narrative opens with a wry apology: the author pleads guilty under the “First Offenders Act” for adding another book to the world’s literature. This self-deprecating tone sets the stage for a record that is part travelogue, part hunting memoir, and part ethnographic sketch. Arkell-Hardwick, a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, frames his account as a response to the scant knowledge of the Rendili and Burkeneji peoples, whom he describes as nomadic and mysterious in origin. The work is structured as a chronological expedition diary, moving from the Kikuyu region into Galla-land, with frequent shifts between detailed descriptions of landscape, the logistics of safari life, and the tense moments of big-game hunting.
Movement and the March
The book’s structure is driven by the physical progress of the safari. Arkell-Hardwick records distances, terrain changes, and the daily rhythm of loading mules, setting camp, and waiting for stragglers. In one episode, after a rhinoceros hunt, the party pushes ahead on foot toward the “Green Camp” while the main caravan lags behind. Darkness falls, and the author notes the disorienting sameness of the landscape: “no sign of the camp we were looking for appeared.” The arrival at seven in the evening is described as “almost like coming home,” a rare moment of relief. Such passages reveal how the march itself—not just the destination—shapes the narrative’s pulse. The author frequently measures time by physical exhaustion: “I had been on my feet since half-past five in the morning, and was thoroughly done up.”
Hunting as a Recurring Set Piece
Hunting episodes recur with a formula that builds tension through precise detail. In the first rhinoceros encounter, the author fires from fifteen yards but hits the withers instead of the shoulder. The animal charges; the author dodges behind a heap of stones and fires again, dropping the rhino “dead not three yards from me.” The sequence—stalk, miscalculation, charge, narrow escape—is repeated with variations. Afterward, the author tries to appear nonchalant, asking for a cigar, but his companion “gazed steadily at me for a moment, but said never a word.” These scenes function as structural anchors, punctuating the travel narrative with moments of acute danger. The author’s own commentary on his mistakes (carelessness, over-confidence) adds a layer of self-critique, making the hunts both action set pieces and lessons in judgment.
Recurring Images of Fire and Light
Fire appears repeatedly as a tool, a signal, and a threat. When the main caravan fails to arrive by ten o’clock, the party launches a signal rocket. Something goes wrong: the rocket “described a low curve in the air and then pitched into the dry grass in front of the camp, instantly setting it into a blaze.” The resulting fire requires an hour of hard work to extinguish. This incident echoes earlier uses of fire—campfires to guide men, dry wood gathered for warmth—but inverts them: instead of providing safety, fire becomes a hazard. The image of the rocket’s low arc and the sudden blaze is vivid and specific, a recurring motif where controlled light (signal, campfire) slips into uncontrolled destruction. The author’s matter-of-fact tone (“We had to bestir ourselves then”) underplays the danger, a characteristic restraint throughout the book.
Ethnographic Asides and the Swahili Lens
Interspersed with the travel narrative are brief ethnographic observations, often framed through Swahili naming conventions. Arkell-Hardwick explains that he designates people by prefixing Wa- to the district name, following Swahili practice. This linguistic note reveals his reliance on Swahili intermediaries and his position as an outsider. The Rendili and Burkeneji are described as “nomadic people whose origin is as yet wrapped in mystery,” but the excerpts offer no extended description of their customs. Instead, the author’s attention remains on the practicalities of travel and trade. The ethnographic material is thus fragmentary, embedded within the larger structure of the expedition’s movement. Readers seeking detailed cultural accounts will find only glimpses, as the author’s primary lens remains that of a trader and hunter moving through unfamiliar territory.
Arkell-Hardwick’s account is best approached as a layered travel diary rather than a systematic ethnography or hunting manual. The narrative’s strength lies in its concrete details: the weight of a Martini rifle, the feel of loose stones underfoot during a charge, the smell of dry grass after a rocket misfires. Readers should attend to the recurring patterns—the march, the hunt, the fire—that give structure to what might otherwise seem a loose collection of episodes. The author’s dry humor and willingness to admit his own errors make the book a more honest record than many of its contemporaries.
There’s a particular ache in finishing a book like An Ivory Trader in North Kenia—the sense of a world already gone, even as you turn the last page. It made me remember, suddenly, the quieter strangeness of Two Years Among New Guinea Cannibals A Naturalist's Sojourn Among the Aborigines of Unexplored New Guinea — Key Ideas to Explore. Both authors walked through a landscape that didn’t expect them, carrying little more than observation and nerve. I still think about those evenings alone.
Isabella Smith
3 weeks agoTheodore Smith
1 month ago-
Valerie Mack - 4 weeks ago
{'rating': 2, 'text': "The book is more about the author's self-promotion than the actual subject. He rambles about his hunting exploits and interactions, but the expected detailed analysis of the ivory trade is lacking. The treatment of local peoples is condescending and the prose is often monotonous. A less engaging read than anticipated; better to seek out more balanced accounts."} -
Kimberly Fisher - 4 weeks ago
{'rating': 4, 'text': 'An eye-opening account of the ivory trade in early 20th-century North Kenya. The author vividly depicts the harsh realities of the African bush, the interactions between traders and local tribes, and the challenges of transporting ivory. His observations are sharp and his storytelling is immersive. A valuable historical record that offers a genuine glimpse into a vanished world.'} -
Christopher Johnson - 3 weeks ago
{'rating': 3, 'text': "Provides a detailed look at the ivory trade and the landscapes of North Kenya, with some memorable encounters. However, the narrative sometimes bogs down in logistics and repetitive description. The author's colonial perspective is of its time and may be off-putting to modern readers. Still, it offers a unique historical perspective for those interested in African studies."}
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Avery Scott
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