Buttrick's voyages, 1812-1819; Evans's Pedestrious tour, 1818 — Background and Themes

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Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 1853-1913 [Editor], Buttrick, Tilly, 1783-1859, Evans, Estwick, 1787-1866 Project Gutenberg 2025 Not confirmed
West (U.S.) -- Description and travel; Buttrick, Tilly, 1783-1859 -- Travel -- West (U.S.); Evans, Estwick, 1787-1866 -- Travel -- West (U.S.) Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Two early 19th-century travel narratives contrast a wanderer's voyages with a pedestrian tour, offering vivid descriptions of the Western frontier and reflections on society.
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Portsmouth, New-Hampshire. Largely self-educated, he was admitted to the bar in 1811, and won popularity by espousing the cause of the oppressed, taking up cases for sailors, people in poor circumstances—those fleeced by self-seeking lawyers. A prominent colleague said of him: “Evans had about as much influence as any one, because he was a clever fellow, honest, poor, and not well treated, and the people sympathized with him.” He volunteered for the War of 1812–15, but was rejected on account of a physical disability. After his adventurous Western journey, he married and settled in New-Hampshire, at one time (1822–24) serving in the state legislature. His vein of Quixotism never left him; he desired to fight for South American independence, and actually left for Greece in order to join her armies, but arrived after the battle of Navarino and saw no bloodshed. In 1829 he removed to Washington, and throughout the remainder of his life practiced law, and served in the government offices, frequently contributing to the _National Intelligencer_. He died in New-York, November 20, 1866.[1]

Despite the eccentricity of Evans’s purpose, and the grotesque dress of buffalo skins in which he attired himself for his Western journey; despite, also, his constant tendency to moralize and involve himself and the reader in a maze of speculation, his comments upon the men and conditions which he saw in the course of his long tour are shrewd, eminently sane, and practical. The Western New-York of 1818 is vividly portrayed; the solitude of Northern Ohio, and the difficulties of the Sandusky swamps are made known; glimpses of the Indians of the vicinity are afforded. However, the chief value of the narrative commences when the author reaches Detroit. From that place through the remainder of the journey, to Presqu’ Isle, and down the Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi to New-Orleans, Evans was keenly alert for all manner of information that bore upon the war, the state of agriculture, the topography and settlement of the country, and the general industrial conditions. Much of his material was obtained from first-hand participants and explorers, and bears the stamp of accuracy. He gives us one of the best pictures we possess of early Michigan Territory, the French habitants contrasted with American settlers, the influence of the fur trade, and the scattered posts in this far-away region. His description, also, of early Indiana and Illinois presents interesting phases. At New-Orleans he encountered the remnants of French civilization, whose picturesque mingling with American backwoods life presented startling contrasts. “Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other combinations not yet classified.” Evans viewed the dissipations, pleasures, and excitements of the Southern metropolis with the eye of a New-England Puritan, broadened, however, by his contact with French philosophy and liberalism. “The wonderful wealth and physical force of the United States” makes a strong impression on his mind; and looking forward with the eye of a prophet, he foresees the development which a hundred years will bring, and the power that will make all Europe tremble.

From New-Orleans, Evans returned to New-Hampshire by sea, having had, perchance, his fill of travels in the wilderness, and having found “amidst the solitude and grandeur of the Western wilds more correct views of human nature and of the true interests of man.” His book is both diverting and informing, and fills its place in the chronicles of the early West.

Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D., Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph.D., and Mr. Archer Butler Hulbert have assisted the Editor in the annotation of this volume.

MADISON, WIS., September, 1904.

BUTTRICK’S VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES 1812–1819

Reprint of the original edition: Boston, 1831

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES

OF TILLY BUTTRICK, JR.

=Boston:= PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. John Putnam, Printer. 1831.

In preparing this little work for the press, the Editor had not only in view the interest with which an enlightened people seize upon facts not previously in their possession; but sympathy for this unfortunate traveller, who by misfortune has now not only become bereft of his property, but, by providential circumstances, of his sight, contributed to induce him to copy it for the press. And he confidentially trusts, if the information contained in the following work is not sufficient to induce every individual to become a purchaser, that sympathy for the past and present sufferings of a fellow creature will forbid them to withhold the small sum solicited for the pamphlet.

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES

I was born in Westford, County of Middlesex, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the sixth day of July, 1783. I lived with my father, Tilly Buttrick, until I was ten years old; when he removed to Princeton, in the County of Worcester, where was the summer seat and residence of his Honor Lieutenant Governor Moses Gill. I was put to Mr. Gill, where I lived in his service five years, after which I went and lived with my father, who now lived in Groton, near where I was born, two years. At the expiration of that time, being in my seventeenth year, I was placed by my father in a mercantile house, in Boston. My master, D. Hastings Esq., was a respectable merchant, and one of the best of men. With him I resided until I was twenty-one years of age. Being desirous of seeing more of the world than my present situation allowed, I resolved to go to sea. Accordingly I shipped on board the fine ship Alnomak, of Boston, bound for the Isle of France. Our crew consisted of seventeen in number, mounting eight guns. On the tenth of September, 1804, we weighed anchor, and left the harbor of Boston, with a fair wind, which continued until the twelfth, in the afternoon; at which time we were clear of the land; the wind then gradually decreased, until we were becalmed, which was about six o’clock the same evening. We remained in this situation about one hour, and night coming on, it was noticed that the sea was greatly agitated; which is very uncommon in a calm.

{6} The night was extremely dark, and the surfs that broke about us appeared like huge banks of snow. At this time many observations were made by the crew, the oldest sailors observing that we should soon find out the meaning of this phenomenon. The wind soon began to breeze up ahead, all hands were called to put the vessel under close sail, and before nine o’clock it blew a tremendous gale; which obliged us to lay to, as she was heavily laden. The wind continued to blow for thirty six hours, and the ship labored with great difficulty. The storm then began to abate, and coming about fair, we laid our course and proceeded on our voyage. On our way we often fell in with large schools of fish of different kinds, such as Porpoise, Dolphin, Boneator, &c., and were very successful in taking them, which supplied us with something fresh to eat. We passed in sight of the island of Teneriffe and many other islands, and the coast of Barbary. In crossing the equator, we were several days becalmed. On the twenty-second of December, we arrived at the cape of Good Hope, a Dutch settlement in the southern extremity of Africa, and came to anchor in Table Bay. We found the people here very industrious, working their cattle, which are of the Buffaloe kind, by means of a square piece of wood lashed to their horns, across the front of their heads. Often six or eight yoke of oxen were thus harnessed in one team. They were very handsome cattle, excepting the hump on their shoulders, so much resembling the Buffaloe. The meat of these cattle is plenty, but not equally good with our American oxen, being tough, of a yellowish cast, and rather unsavory. Sheep are common here, and to appearance much larger than the sheep in our own country. This may be owing partly to their having longer legs than our sheep, and consequently taller. Their meat is excellent, and perhaps equals in flavor any found in North America, or any other nation. But their wool is of little value, being as coarse as dogs’ hair. The tails of these creatures are sold separate from their bodies, and have the appearance of a large lump of tallow weighing from fourteen to twenty pounds.

In the suburbs of the town, I observed two of the feathered tribe, which I afterward learned were ostriches; {7} who, upon discovering me, raised their heads much higher than my own, and appeared no less frightened than myself, and were no less willing to make good their retreat.

The 25th, being Christmas, our sailors undertook to imitate the landsmen in cheerfulness and hilarity; the night was spent in high glee. Next morning all hands were called, but not coming on deck so soon as was expected, the mates came forward with handspikes to hurry them. They were met by the sailors with the same kind of weapons; and although nothing very serious took place, yet it caused considerable difficulty between the officers and crew. The captain being on shore was soon notified, when a guard of soldiers were sent on board; one man was taken and committed to prison on shore, where he remained a few days, and was then put on board and sent to America. No punishment was inflicted upon the remainder, but they were strictly watched.

Here we remained until the first day of January, 1805, when not being able to dispose of our cargo as we expected, we weighed anchor and put to sea. But soon a twenty-four pound ball, fired from the guard ship lying one hundred yards distant, besprinkling me with water, as I stood on the bowsprit, occasioned us to drop anchor and send our pass on board the guard ship, which our captain omitted to do, though required by the law of the place. This being done, we immediately weighed anchor and stood out to sea.

The next morning we had lost sight of land, and in the course of the day, the wind blew a terrible gale; the sea ran mountains high, the ship was hove to, and we rode out the storm, which continued about twelve hours. After which we continued our course with the trade winds about forty days. In the mean time our supercargo fell sick and in about six weeks died. The usual ceremonies at sea were performed, and his remains committed to a watery grave. Thinking ourselves far enough to windward of the Island, to bear away, we accordingly did so, and running twenty-four hours we discovered land. Supposing it to be our intended port, we were greatly rejoiced. But when coming within four miles of land, to our great mortification we found it to be the island of {8} Madagascar, four hundred and eighty miles to the leeward of the isle of France. This was a sorrowful tale for us to hear, as we must have a head wind and oftentimes a current in our return. We had become short of water, and for several days had been on allowance.

The grass on the sides of the ship had become one foot in length, which greatly impeded our progress and rendered our situation truly distressing. The ship was put about and stood to the south, as near as we could lay to the wind.

The island of Madagascar, is inhabited by negroes, with whom little or no trade is carried on by the whites. We dared not venture ourselves on shore here, to obtain water, for two reasons. First, we were afraid of the rocks and shoals, as there were no pilots to be had; and secondly, should we arrive safe on shore, we might be massacred by those uncivilized people.

While ruminating on these unfortunate circumstances, our ship was struck by a white squall, very common in that eastern world, which carried away our foretop mast and maintop gallant mast and did much damage to the sails and rigging. This was probably fortunate for us, as the masts must have gone, or the ship upset. The squall being over, it soon began to rain very heavily. Stopping the scuppers, all who were able employed themselves in dipping water from the deck. We filled six casks of a hundred gallons each, which proved a very seasonable and ample supply. Every exertion was now made, both by the officers and crew, and continued until the 20th of March, when we considered ourselves far enough to windward to bear away, and next morning discovered land, and found it to be our long wished for island; the isle of France. The harbor being on the leeward side, we ran around, and not finding it so soon as we expected, we saw several sail boats lying about, near the shore, and hoped to find a pilot among them. But none appearing we fired a gun as a signal. Unfortunately the gun was loaded with a ball, which went close to several of them. This frightened the poor Frenchmen, and they made for the shore with all possible speed, supposing us to be Englishmen.

{9} Within thirty minutes we discovered a large sail bearing towards us from the harbor. On its approaching us to our surprise we found it to be a French man of war, ready for action; and coming close too, and hailing us, they ordered our captain on board of the ship, and took us under their protection, and stood for the harbor. We were not insensible of the reason of this, from the circumstance of the above mentioned shot, which was fired from the entrance of this harbor. The head of the harbor, on which the town stands, is about three miles from the entrance. The channel being narrow, the only way of getting up is by warping, to assist in which buoys are set at a suitable distance; a rope is made fast, the ship is hauled to one and then to another, and so on through the whole.

A gang of negroes were placed on board the vessel, and assisted in performing this labor, until we arrived safe on our mooring ground. Our captain was then conducted on shore, by a guard, and after due examination, was found innocent of any ill design. We found this harbor a very pleasant and delightful one; and from seventy to eighty American vessels lying there. In a few days we commenced discharging our cargo and sending it on shore; we also stripped the ship to the lower mast; this being done, we were about to repair the rigging and sails, when the monsoons made their appearance.

These monsoons, so called, are the changing of the wind, which blows in one direction from March to September; then, shifting and whiffling about, blowing high gales, and sometimes a hurricane, commences a contrary direction, and so continues the remainder of the year, it being the time when the sun crosses the equator. Vessels generally, are afraid of being found at sea in this country, at this season. The wind at this time was very variable, blowing from different points and constituting a terrible gale, which lasted about forty-eight hours. Every precaution was taken for the safety of the vessels lying in the harbor; by mooring them by two anchors ahead, and two astern, according to the requirements of the law; nevertheless, the shipping in the harbor, consisting of one hundred and fifty sail, French, Dutch, Danes, etc., but mostly Americans, presented a most unpleasant {10} spectacle. Fifteen or twenty vessels of different sizes, were driven on shore, and some of them, when the water fell, were nearly high and dry. But few lives were lost; although there was a great destruction of property. The inhabitants of this island are very friendly to the American people, and an immense trade is carried on between the two countries. About fifty yards from the shore, stood a spacious building, occupied as a hospital, in which was a great number of patients. Directly on the bank is a small building, which is called a death house. When any one died in the hospital, they were removed and deposited in this small house, when they were placed in a coffin or box, large enough to contain two. If another was expected to die immediately, it remained until the second was placed in it; then being put into a boat manned by three negroes, expressly for that purpose, it was rowed down about two miles and a half, being that distance from any dwelling house, when the bodies were taken out of the coffin, hauled up on shore, and thrown into a lime pit, seemingly formed by nature. The boat then returns with the coffin, and here ends the funeral ceremonies. The dissolvent power of this earth, assisted by the rays of the sun, soon decomposes and destroys these bodies, and the remote distance from any dwelling houses, prevents any evil consequences, which might otherwise follow such a mode of burial. This boat is well known by the black flag, which it carries hoisted, and often passes three or four times in twenty-four hours.

The labor in this place is done by slaves, who are kept under close subjection. They are separated into gangs, over each of which is placed an overseer or driver. During the labor of the day, should any of them commit an offence, even of the smallest nature, it is marked down by this driver, and communicated to the principal overseer at evening. Early next morning, when called out to their usual labor, they are punished according to the aggravation of the offence. If small, they are punished with a rattan, on their naked backs. If guilty of an aggravated offence, they are lashed to a post, and so horribly whipped and mangled as at times to leave the bones denuded of their flesh, and in open view.

{11} HORRID EXECUTION

Several times hearing the noise of cannon, and seeing a red flag hoisted, on inquiry I found that one or more negroes were to be executed. One day as this occurred, I went on shore and finding a number of people passing to a plain, back of the town, I followed on, and arriving at the place of execution, saw a rope drawn round a circle of about three hundred feet; inside of which stood a platform about ten feet square, standing on posts five feet from the ground. On the top of this platform lay a common plank, one end of which was raised about two feet, and extended even with the end of the platform. Here I waited for the space of half an hour, when, hearing the sound of music, and looking around, I saw a company of soldiers advancing. In the rear of them was a cart, with two young negroes in it, and a Roman Catholic priest following after. They coming within the circle, the company formed, and the negroes were taken from the cart and conducted to the scaffold. The priest followed and conversed with them a short time, when a negro man mounted the scaffold, with a broad axe in one hand and a rope in the other. Looking very fierce, he ordered one to lay down on the plank, with his chin extended over the end. After lashing him tight to the plank with his rope, he raised his axe and with one stroke, severed his head from his body. Then unfastening the body he threw it down where the head had fallen.

The other poor fellow, terrified and trembling at this awful sight, and scarcely able to stand, was soon ordered to lie down in the same manner of the former, which he very reluctantly did, the plank being already covered with the blood of his fellow victim. The rope was then thrown around him, as before mentioned; the axe was again raised by this infernal butcher, with an apparent gratification and hardihood, shocking to human nature, and seeming to glut his revenge for the reluctance with which the criminal laid himself down on the plank. After several blows he at last succeeded in severing his head from his body.

To paint this horrible scene in its true colors, the wild despair of the criminals, before their execution, and agony {12} afterwards, indicated by the thousand changing motions of the face, and the shooting out of the tongue, is beyond the power of language to describe; their only crime was taking four dollars from a slave, sent by his master to some other person.

This volume pairs two distinct travel accounts from the early American frontier: Tilly Buttrick Jr.'s Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries (1812–1819) and Estwick Evans's A Pedestrious Tour (1818). Buttrick, a self-described wanderer, recounts his journeys with a straightforward simplicity that transports readers through the landscapes he beheld. Evans, by contrast, intersperses his four-thousand-mile walk with reflections on religious, moral, and political topics. Together, they offer complementary views of the trans-Appalachian West during a period of rapid change.

Contrasting Narrative Structures

Buttrick's narrative unfolds as a chronological series of voyages, each marked by a clear departure and return. His prose is lean, focusing on observable details—the appearance of a river, the layout of a settlement—without extended commentary. Evans, however, organizes his account as a continuous pedestrian tour, punctuated by digressions into moral philosophy. Where Buttrick moves from scene to scene with little reflection, Evans pauses to expound on the character of a place or the implications of a custom. This structural difference shapes the reader's experience: Buttrick's account feels like a logbook, Evans's like a series of essays stitched together by a journey.

Recurring Images of Water and Movement

Both travelers are drawn to bodies of water, but they describe them differently. Buttrick notes the width and current of rivers with a mariner's eye, as when he observes that the Detroit River is "about one mile wide" and moves "about three miles an hour." Evans, too, remarks on the river's utility and beauty, calling it "yielding to none in point of utility and beauty." Yet Evans's descriptions often carry a symbolic weight: the river becomes a boundary between nations, a conduit for commerce, or a setting for social observation. The repeated attention to water—its appearance, its usefulness, its political significance—anchors both narratives in the physical geography of the region.

Movement Between Scenes and Social Commentary

Evans's tour is as much a social survey as a travelogue. In Detroit, he moves from describing the wharves and windmills to assessing the local society: the French inhabitants, the Lyceum, the academy, the theatre run by military officers. His observations are often prescriptive, as when he predicts that Michigan Territory "will become conspicuous for its literature" and that its laws will be "eminently correct." Buttrick, by contrast, tends to report without judgment, noting the presence of a familiar face in a crowd without moralizing. The movement between physical description and social commentary is more pronounced in Evans, who uses each location as a springboard for broader reflections on education, politics, and national character.

The Role of the Editor and the Series Context

Reuben Gold Thwaites, the editor of the Early Western Travels series, frames these two works as "an interesting contrast and complement to one another." His preface highlights Buttrick's "picturesque clarity of narration" and notes that the same quality makes his journal useful to students of the West. Thwaites's editorial apparatus—including notes, introductions, and an index—provides a scholarly context that modern readers may find helpful. The volume is part of a larger series reprinting rare travel accounts, and its inclusion of both a wanderer's voyages and a pedestrian tour underscores the diversity of early American travel writing.

Readers approaching these texts should attend to the different rhythms of the two narratives: Buttrick's lean, scene-by-scene progression and Evans's more discursive, reflective style. Both offer valuable firsthand perspectives on the early American West, but they reward different kinds of attention—one for its concrete details, the other for its broader social and political observations. The editor's notes provide useful context without overwhelming the original voices.

That rainy afternoon, tracing Buttrick’s muddy trails across the frontier, I felt a quiet hunger for stillness, for old stones rather than raw earth. My hand drifted to another shelf, and there was Italian Backgrounds — Reading Notes, a different kind of journey, all shadow and light. One wanderer’s restlessness simply led me to another’s repose.

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